By Pierre Lubangi Kahambwe and Ariel Yao Konan

ZIMBABWE like many of the inland countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) follows closely the complex and prolonged war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

DRC is currently facing a complex and prolonged crisis of armed conflict, hunger and disease outbreaks. The humanitarian situation is rapidly deteriorating due to a recent surge of violence which has seen former allies like Rwanda becoming enemies.

According to the Trade Map, the total trade between Zimbabwe and DRC rose from US$32 million in 2018 to US$84 million in 2022 and the balance of trade has been in favour of Zimbabwe during that period relatively remaining like that up-to-date.

However, over the years, the most primary of challenges set by SADC include the over ambitious targets of a  roadmap to economic regional integration, despite having multiple and concurrent memberships of different regional economic communities (RECs), with the DRC as one example.

Beneath the soil of DRC is a paradox. There lies vast mineral wealth that has fueled both aspirations of prosperity and decades of lethal strife. Known as Africa’s “heartland”, DRC has endured coups, invasions and civil wars since its independence in 1960, including the 1996 rebellion led by Laurent-Désiré Kabila, ironically aided by Rwandan and Ugandan soldiers. When insurgency struck Kabila himself two years later, SADC intervened and deployed Angolan, Namibian and Zimbabwean troops to stabilise the nation.

The DRC is currently at a pivotal moment. It is the only African nation straddling two large regional blocs, SADC and the East African Community (EAC), whose dual membership presents unprecedented opportunities to terminate its longstanding eastern conflict, where ethnic militias, illegal mining and meddling by neighbours like Rwanda and Uganda perpetuate chaos. SADC offers security expertise forged in past interventions, and the EAC promises the hope of economic integration to undermine the grip of resource-driven violence.

Yet, such strategic positioning also comes with challenges. Competing priorities within SADC and EAC may undermine coordination and Kinshasa must balance alliances with sovereignty concerns in a region where foreign powers have long exploited instability. Can the DRC leverage its dual alliances to bring peace, or will divided diplomacy and competition for resources deepen its crisis?

This opinion analysis examines how the DRC’s dual membership in SADC and EAC can unlock regional collaboration to end its war, and why competing agendas, historic animosities and external interference are set to undermine it.

The Dual Membership: A Strategic Advantage?

The DRC’s accession to SADC and the EAC is a significant strategic move, reflecting its pivotal geographical and political position in both Central and Southern Africa. SADC, with its emphasis on economic integration and political stability, has a superb track record in peacekeeping and conflict resolution, particularly in countries such as Mozambique and Lesotho. On the other hand, the EAC, to which the DRC joined in 2022, provides a platform for the creation of deepened economic relations with East African nations and strengthening regional security cooperation.

The two-way membership advantageously serves the DRC by giving it access to a greater reservoir of resources, expertise, and diplomatic channels to facilitate its ability to address outstanding conflicts. For example, the harmonisation of SADC’s Standby Force and EAC’s Regional Force can play a pivotal role in securing the DRC’s eastern region, where over 120 armed groups are active. In addition, the DRC’s inclusion in these regional blocs will boost cross-border trade and infrastructure development, which is key to tackling underlying causes of poverty and unemployment that fuel conflict.

But the success of this double membership will depend on the ability of SADC and the EAC to coordinate their activities. African regional blocs have time and again been plagued by overlapping mandates and competing interests, which could complicate the peacebuilding process in the DRC. While SADC has traditionally focused its attention on Southern Africa, that of the EAC has centred on East Africa, coordinating such diverse regional concerns with the special requirements of the DRC requiring exceptional political will and cooperation.

Opportunities for Conflict Resolution and Enhanced Regional Cooperation

The DRC being a member of both SADC and the EAC presents a singular and strategic opportunity for both regional blocs to draw on their respective strengths in assisting to bring an end to the country’s decades-old conflicts. SADC, with its extensive experience in peacekeeping and conflict resolution, has a record of stabilising Southern African countries, such as Mozambique and Lesotho. Its record in military interventions and political mediations can be harnessed to break up armed militias that have terrorised the eastern DRC for decades. The EAC’s focus on economic integration and regional trade, however, offers a complementary peace building strategy. By fostering economic interdependence and development, the EAC can address the root causes of conflict, such as poverty, unemployment and competition over resources.

Together, these two blocs are well-placed to forge a more cohesive and sustainable peace plan in the DRC. Combined military interventions by SADC and EAC forces, for instance, could enhance security in conflict areas, while intelligence sharing between member states could enable tracking and dismantling of armed groups. In addition, sustained diplomatic intervention, such as regional peace talks and cross-border pacts, could address the transnational nature of the conflict, which often involves neighbouring countries like Rwanda and Uganda. By pooling their resources and capabilities, SADC and the EAC can do more, offering the DRC a greater chance for long-term stability.

Secondly, the dual membership allows the DRC to tap into the institutional frameworks of both blocs. SADC’s peacekeeping mechanisms, such as its Standby Force, can be invoked to provide immediate security, and the EAC’s economic integration initiatives, such as the Common Market Protocol, can promote trade and investment in the region. This two-pronged approach not only deals with the symptoms of violence but also its causes, for a more holistic approach to peace.

In effect, the DRC’s membership in SADC and the EAC is a chance to leverage regional cooperation for peace. By combining SADC’s security expertise with the EAC’s economic integration agenda, these blocs can work together to disarm armed groups, restore stability, and lay the groundwork for sustainable development in the eastern DRC. This collaborative effort can serve as a model for the ending of hostilities and armed conflict in other parts of Africa, demonstrating the power of regional unity in achieving peace and prosperity.

Economic Integration and Development

Competition for the DRC’s extensive mineral resources is a significant source of conflict, with foreign actors and armed groups harnessing these resources for profit. Leveraging its double membership, the DRC can invest in infrastructure, agriculture and mining—fields that generate employment and minimise the economic incentives of violence. The EAC’s Common Market Protocol and SADC’s Free Trade Area offer templates for creating cross-border trade, solidifying the DRC’s economy and promoting regional stability.

Complexities and Challenges

Overlapping Mandates and Competing Interests

One of the biggest challenges for DRC membership in both the EAC and SADC is that the two will likely have divergent priorities and mandates that conflict. While SADC would emphasize military intervention and security-driven solutions, the EAC, on the other hand, could focus on economic integration as a solution to generate stability. This difference in policy would generate dis-united action, weakening the overall effect of regional peace initiatives and making stabilization in the DRC more challenging.

Resource Constraints

Both SADC and EAC are themselves under significant resource constraints and it would not be easy for them to provide significant support to the peace building efforts of the DRC. Peacekeeping missions, development initiatives and diplomacy take a lot of financial and logistical inputs, something that may be difficult for these institutions to access. Without sufficient resources and sustained political will from member states and other international players, the benefits of dual membership will largely remain theoretical and not so much translate into tangible on-the-ground benefits.

Internal Divisions and Governance Issues

The DRC’s internal governance issues add to its potential to enjoy maximum regional cooperation benefits. Corruption, institutionally fragile foundations and chronic political instability have for a long time diverted the country’s efforts at effectively managing its own conflicts. Additionally, the intractable character of foreign-backed armed groups that are present in the DRC’s east continues to undermine the state’s authority, with the regime struggling to implement regional programs and achieve sustainable peace. Until these internal problems are solved, outside help from the EAC and SADC will not matter.

The Way Forward

To fully leverage its dual membership, the DRC must take a strategic approach that balances both opportunities and challenges. Regional coordination needs to be boosted through cooperation between SADC and the EAC through a common task force that synchronises peacekeeping, development and diplomatic activities. Resolution of the root causes of conflict such as poverty, governance and corruption should be a priority with SADC and the EAC backing this with technical aid, policy guidance and funding. Additionally, the DRC can leverage membership in both blocs to mobilise international help from the United Nations, African Union and donors to assist with peacekeeping, development and building capacity towards lasting stability and growth.

The authors are students in the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy at Africa University. They write this opinion analysis for Easterntimeszim (ETZ) In their personal capacities.